Historical Context and Long-Standing Issues
Nepal’s current turmoil has deep roots in its recent history. The 239-year monarchy was abolished in 2008 after a Maoist insurgency and popular movement, ushering in a federal republictheguardian.com. However, the young democracy has been plagued by chronic instability – the past 17 years have seen 13 different government formations, and corruption and economic stagnation remain pervasiveen.wikipedia.org. A small elite of veteran politicians has dominated power, often trading Prime Ministerships through shifting coalitions. (For example, K.P. Sharma Oli – a fixture of Nepal’s politics – returned for his fourth term as PM in 2024, becoming the 14th premier since 2008reuters.com.) This revolving-door leadership fostered public cynicism, as corruption scandals rarely led to accountability, reinforcing a sense of impunity among the political elite. Meanwhile, a massive youth population – Nepal’s median age is about 25 – has grown increasingly disillusioned with the status quo. With youth unemployment around 20% and many educated young Nepalis seeking jobs abroad, a whole generation feels disenfranchised and voicelessen.wikipedia.orgreuters.com. These long-standing grievances set the stage for the explosive events of 2025, when frustration with entrenched corruption, nepotism, and stagnant opportunities finally boiled over.
Timeline of Major Events in 2025
Early 2025: Pro-Monarchy Protests
In early 2025, an unexpected surge of royalist sentiment jolted Nepali politics. On 19 February, former King Gyanendra Shah released a video message lamenting “endless instability and corruption” under the republic and urging national unity – a thinly veiled hint at a possible royal comebacken.wikipedia.org. This emboldened monarchists, who began organizing demonstrations. On 9 March, thousands of supporters greeted ex-King Gyanendra in Kathmandu, waving Nepal’s flags (and even some Indian Hindu nationalist symbols) as he arrived in the capitalen.wikipedia.orgen.wikipedia.org. Royalist groups like the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) framed the king as a unifying “parental” figure above politics, tapping into public disillusionment with corrupt elected leaderstheguardian.comtheguardian.com.
Tensions peaked on 28 March 2025, when a large pro-monarchy rally in Kathmandu turned violent. Protesters demanding restoration of the Hindu monarchy – abolished in 2008 – clashed with police, who used tear gas, rubber bullets, and even live rounds in the air to disperse crowdstheguardian.comtheguardian.com. Two people were killed and dozens injured in the ensuing chaostheguardian.com. Royalist demonstrators vandalized offices (including media outlets and political party headquarters) and torched buildings amid the meleetheguardian.com. Authorities imposed curfews in parts of the capital and arrested dozens of protesterstheguardian.com. Prime Minister Oli convened an emergency cabinet meeting as the unrest flaredtheguardian.com. The violence underscored that support for a “King’s return” had surged on the back of public frustration with Nepal’s dysfunctional politics and economic woestheguardian.com. Although the government’s crackdown in late March – and subsequent heavy security through April–May – quelled the monarchist rallies (at least two demonstrators died in total)en.wikipedia.orgtheguardian.com, royalist fervor did not disappear. By mid-2025, former King Gyanendra had re-emerged as a symbolic rallying point “for those disillusioned with the current political system,” even as authorities tried to rein in the movementen.wikipedia.org.
September 2025: Gen Z Protests and Government Collapse
Flames engulf the Singha Durbar (Nepal’s main government administrative complex) in Kathmandu on September 9, 2025, amid the Gen Z-led anti-corruption proteststheatlantic.com.
The most dramatic upheaval came in September 2025, when youth-led protests erupted across Nepal and toppled the government. The immediate trigger was a controversial digital policy: on 4 September, the government abruptly banned 26 social media platforms – including Facebook, YouTube, X (Twitter), Reddit, and more – because the platforms hadn’t registered locally under new regulationsen.wikipedia.org. Officials claimed the registration rule was to enforce tax laws, but critics argued the shutdown was really provoked by a viral “#NepoKids” social media trend that exposed how politicians’ children flaunted wealth and nepotismen.wikipedia.orgen.wikipedia.org. Indeed, in a country where the average person earns only ~$1,400 per year, images of ruling elites’ sons and daughters showing off luxury cars and vacations had stoked popular angeren.wikipedia.orgndtv.com. For Nepal’s digitally savvy youth, the social media ban felt like an attempt to silence their outrage about corruption and privilege.
Protests began on 8 September 2025 in Kathmandu and quickly spread nationwide. Students and young professionals – self-branded as the “Gen Z” movement – poured into the streets by the tens of thousandsen.wikipedia.orgtheguardian.com. They initially rallied peacefully at Kathmandu’s Maitighar Mandala and outside Parliament, chanting against the social media ban and waving flags (notably even the Jolly Roger pirate flag from a Japanese manga, a pop-culture symbol of youth rebellion)en.wikipedia.orgen.wikipedia.org. However, clashes soon erupted when crowds tried to march on the Federal Parliament building. Riot police responded with tear gas, water cannons, and rubber bullets – and in some instances live ammunition – to hold back the demonstratorsen.wikipedia.orgndtv.com. The crackdown on 8 September turned deadly: at least 19 protesters were killed that day (making it the bloodiest single day of protest in Nepal’s modern history) and hundreds were injured as security forces opened fire in the capital and other citiestheguardian.comtheguardian.com. Instead of quelling the unrest, these deaths became a rallying cry. The Home Minister resigned in disgrace that night, and the government hurriedly lifted the social media ban, hoping to appease the publicen.wikipedia.orgtheguardian.com. It was too little, too late. By nightfall, enraged youths defied newly declared curfews and continued protesting in Kathmandu, Biratnagar, Pokhara and towns across all seven provincesen.wikipedia.orgtheguardian.com.
9 September 2025 became a turning point. With anger at a fever pitch, protesters openly defied the curfew and stormed the federal Parliament in New Baneshwor, setting parts of the legislature complex ablazetheguardian.com. Across Kathmandu, fires burned in the streets and thick black smoke billowed from government buildings. Mobs attacked symbols of the state’s authority and luxury: the Singha Durbar administrative secretariat was torched, as were the official residences of Prime Minister Oli and President Ram Chandra Poudeltheguardian.comtheguardian.com. Kathmandu’s skyline glowed orange with flames as the country’s main government offices, the presidential palace, and even private properties of prominent politicians were set on firetheguardian.comtheguardian.com. Protesters also vented rage at political parties – vandalizing the headquarters of both the ruling Communist UML and opposition Nepali Congress – and even attacked media outlets perceived as establishment-friendlyen.wikipedia.orgen.wikipedia.org. Security forces were overwhelmed. The Army evacuated top politicians by helicopter to safety, and Tribhuvan International Airport was shut down and occupied by soldiers to prevent leaders from fleeing abroaden.wikipedia.orgen.wikipedia.org. By midday, it was clear the civilian government had lost control of the capital.
Under enormous pressure, Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli finally resigned on 9 September 2025, fleeing to an army barracks as his rule collapseden.wikipedia.orgtheguardian.com. Oli, 73, had been in power since July 2024 through a coalition deal; protesters saw him as the embodiment of the old guard – “authoritarian, corrupt and out of touch” – and his ouster was met with jubilant cheers in the streetstheguardian.comreuters.com. In his resignation letter, Oli said he was stepping down to “help resolve” the crisis politicallyreuters.com. Indeed, his exit marked a victory for the Gen Z protesters, but it also created a power vacuum at a moment of anarchy. By nightfall of 9 September, an Army curfew and deployment was announced to restore order, with the military warning it might declare a state of emergency if violence continueden.wikipedia.orgtheguardian.com. Over the next few days (10–12 September), soldiers patrolled cities and detained hundreds of looters and arsonists as sporadic unrest persisteden.wikipedia.orgen.wikipedia.org. The human toll of the five-day uprising was devastating: at least 72 people were killed (including around 59 protesters, 3 police, and 10 prisoners in related jailbreak chaos) and over 1,300 injureden.wikipedia.orgen.wikipedia.org. Hospitals struggled to treat gunshot wounds as public fury began to subside into grief.
Amid the chaos, Nepal achieved a historic first in leadership. With Oli gone and Parliament literally scorched, the head of the Army and the President took the unprecedented step of inviting the protesters themselves to help shape a new interim governmentcfr.orgtheguardian.com. Gen Z organizers coordinated online (via Discord servers) to select a consensus candidate for Prime Minister, polling tens of thousands of young supporters in a virtual “people’s parliament”en.wikipedia.orgcfr.org. Their choice was an unlikely one: Sushila Karki, a 74-year-old former Chief Justice known for her crusading anti-corruption rulings. Karki was respected as a non-partisan figure with integrity, and notably, she had publicly condemned the security forces’ lethal force as a “massacre”theguardian.com. On 12 September 2025, Sushila Karki was sworn in as Nepal’s first female Prime Minister, heading an interim unity government tasked with stabilizing the nationen.wikipedia.orgtheguardian.com. President Poudel dissolved the legislature, acceding to protesters’ demands, and new parliamentary elections were scheduled for March 2026en.wikipedia.orgtheguardian.com. Over the following days, calm gradually returned. Curfews were lifted and Karki toured hospitals to visit wounded protesters, urging national unity and vowing accountability for the bloodsheden.wikipedia.orgtheguardian.com. Although Nepal in late 2025 remained jittery and scarred (downtown Kathmandu bore the charred remnants of government buildings), the year’s convulsions had clearly ushered in a transition. An entrenched old leadership had been toppled by a leaderless youth movement, and the stage was set for elections that protesters hoped would bring a new generation to powertheguardian.comtheguardian.com.
Key Causes of the 2025 Unrest
Social and Political Grievances: At its core, the 2025 uprising was fueled by public outrage at Nepal’s endemic corruption and nepotism in governance. Decades of scandal – from politicians enriching themselves off development budgets to cronies and relatives being appointed to plum positions – had bred cynicism. Nepalis were especially angered by the brazen display of elite privilege: in the months before the protests, social media posts of ministers’ children flaunting luxury cars, mansions, and foreign vacations went viral, highlighting the gulf between rulers and ordinary citizensreuters.comndtv.com. This “Nepo Kids” trend crystallized the feeling that a few well-connected families were abusing power while the masses struggled. The younger generation, in particular, felt no allegiance to the aging politicians who had presided over this corruption. Many of the Gen Z protesters had grown up after the monarchy and civil war, and they saw the current leaders as feckless custodians of a hard-won republic. Youth disenfranchisement was therefore a major factor – in a literal sense (older politicians seldom made space for new leadership) and in a broader sense (young people felt the system offered them nothing). As one 20-year-old protester put it after watching a friend die in the clashes: “From now on, the work will be led by the youth… The files of [the politicians’] corruption will be exposed”theguardian.com. This generational resolve to upend “business as usual” was central to the 2025 movement.
Adding to social frustration was Nepal’s history of impunity for the powerful. Corruption investigations rarely touch senior figures. (Notably, interim PM Sushila Karki had made enemies among politicians by actually convicting ministers in graft cases during her tenure as Chief Justicetheguardian.com.) The sense that the rule of law only applied to the poor, not the powerful, eroded public trust. Protest chants in 2025 often cited long-standing scandals and the lavish lifestyles of “chor neta” (thief leaders). Furthermore, years of unstable coalition governments – Nepal had five prime ministers in five years leading up to 2025 – meant politicians seemed more focused on swapping power than governingreuters.comtheguardian.com. All this fed a narrative that Nepal’s political class was irredeemably self-serving.
Economic Hardships: While governance issues lit the fuse, economic undercurrents made the populace even more combustible. Nepal is one of Asia’s poorer countries (per-capita income around $1400), and progress has been sluggishen.wikipedia.org. Unemployment and underemployment are rife, especially among youth – roughly one in five young Nepalis is joblessen.wikipedia.org. Consequently, millions of Nepalis (over 3.5 million by 2025) have gone abroad for work, mainly to Gulf countries, Malaysia, and South Koreareuters.com. Remittances from these migrant workers equal about one-third of Nepal’s GDPen.wikipedia.org, propping up many households. This dynamic has two effects: on one hand, it keeps the economy afloat, but on the other, it’s a stark indicator of domestic failure to create opportunities. The youth see their only chance at prosperity in leaving the country. Those who remain face rising living costs, few quality jobs, and poor public services – while watching politically connected elites accumulate wealth. By 2025, soaring food and fuel prices (partly a global trend, partly due to import dependence) had further strained families. Economic despair thus amplified resentment of corruption: citizens felt they were struggling to make ends meet because corrupt officials had squandered development funds and hollowed out institutionsndtv.comtheguardian.com. Even elements of the pro-monarchy backlash were driven by this economic discontent – royalists argued that an active monarch might ensure stability and prosperity compared to bickering politicianstheguardian.com.
Digital Catalyst and Youth Mobilization: A distinctive aspect of the 2025 events was the role of digital technology – both as a trigger and a tool for resistance. The government’s ill-fated social media ban was the spark that ignited the powder kegtheguardian.com. In Nepal’s rugged terrain, where physical connectivity is difficult, internet and social media have become lifelines. By 2025, Nepal had one of the highest social media penetration rates in South Asia (nearly one account for every two people)en.wikipedia.org. Young Nepalis in particular are extremely online – not just socially, but economically (many engage in freelance online work or e-commerce)en.wikipedia.org. The sudden shutdown of popular platforms in September 2025 didn’t just offend free speech principles; it threatened livelihoods and cut off the primary medium through which youth voice their grievances. That is why the ban backfired so spectacularly: it galvanized “digital natives” into street protesters, united by the belief that the state was trying to muzzle themtheguardian.comtheguardian.com.
Moreover, tech became the protesters’ ally. When mainstream sites were blocked, activists migrated to less-known apps and VPNs. A youth-led group called Hami Nepal organized on Discord, a chat app, creating online forums to coordinate marches and share real-time tactics nationwideen.wikipedia.orgen.wikipedia.org. Through these channels, protesters could outmaneuver authorities – discussing when to converge on certain locations or how to safely counter tear gasen.wikipedia.orgen.wikipedia.org. The movement’s decentralized nature (no single leader) was bolstered by this digital networking. Even after the government imposed curfews and intermittent internet blackouts, tech-savvy youths kept communication alive. Notably, the decision to nominate Sushila Karki as interim PM was crowdsourced on a Discord server with over 100,000 participants in a massive online poll – a remarkable instance of digital direct democracy stepping in when formal politics faileden.wikipedia.orgcfr.org. In short, social media and messaging platforms were both the battlefield and the backbone of the Gen Z movement, reflecting how deeply digitalization has penetrated Nepali society and how it can empower the disenfranchised.
Geography, Resources, and Foreign Interests
Nepal’s strategic geography and natural resources form an important backdrop to the 2025 unrest, though foreign actors largely stayed hands-off during the crisis. Sandwiched between India and China, Nepal has historically tried to balance the giant neighbors to maintain its sovereigntyglobalvoices.org. It is a landlocked nation of difficult terrain – from the Himalayas down to the plains – which has shaped both its development challenges and its foreign dependencies. For trade and transit, Nepal relies heavily on India (which surrounds it on three sides), leading to periodic friction – most notably the 2015 unofficial Indian blockade that created a humanitarian crisis and pushed Nepal to seek alternatives via Chinaglobalvoices.orgglobalvoices.org. On the other hand, China, bordering Nepal to the north via Tibet, sees Nepal as a gateway into South Asia. Both Asian powers have keen interest in Nepal’s resources, especially hydropower. With over 6,000 rivers cascading from the mountains, Nepal holds an estimated 42,000 MW of economically feasible hydropower potential – a potential renewable goldmine in energy-starved South Asiaglobalvoices.orgglobalvoices.org. This has made Nepal a focal point of India–China competition: Indian companies and agencies have financed or built many of Nepal’s hydropower projects (India accounted for ~35% of Nepal’s FDI by 2023 and won contracts for 10 major hydro plants)globalvoices.org. India’s strategy is often to secure Nepal’s water resources for downstream use in the Ganges basin and to prevent Nepal’s rivers from falling under Chinese controlglobalvoices.orgglobalvoices.org. China, via its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), has also invested in Nepali infrastructure – roads, bridges, and some hydropower ventures – aiming to extend rail links and trade routes across the Himalayasglobalvoices.orgglobalvoices.org. However, many Chinese projects (like the Budhi Gandaki dam and a trans-Himalayan railway) stalled due to Nepal’s political swings and Indian objectionsglobalvoices.orgglobalvoices.org.
In the political arena, Nepal’s leaders have oscillated in alignment. K.P. Sharma Oli, for instance, is known for a nationalist stance wary of India – he rose to prominence opposing the 2015 blockade and, during his 2024–25 tenure, drew Nepal closer to China (even making Beijing his first foreign visit, breaking tradition)globalvoices.orgcfr.org. Under Oli, Nepal signed new BRI cooperation agreements in late 2024globalvoices.org, raising eyebrows in New Delhi. By contrast, the Nepali Congress party is generally seen as India-friendly. The United States, while geographically distant, also has a stake: it views Nepal through the lens of promoting democracy and countering Chinese influence. In 2022 Nepal ratified a $500 million U.S. infrastructure grant (the MCC Compact) despite Chinese unease, indicating active U.S. engagement. Washington has since described itself as a “steadfast partner” to Nepal’s stability and developmentreuters.com.
During the 2025 turmoil, foreign governments trod carefully. All major powers appeared to prioritize Nepal’s stability over taking sides. In fact, representatives of India, China, and the U.S. pointedly attended Sushila Karki’s swearing-in ceremony on 12 September 2025, effectively blessing the interim government’s formationcfr.org. Indian, Chinese, and American officials publicly welcomed the peaceful resolution and offered support. (India and China both have strong interests in a stable Nepal – unrest next door can send refugees across borders or create security vacuums. Beijing in particular is wary of any chaos that could allow Tibetan activism in Nepal, while New Delhi fears instability could increase China’s footprint or spur cross-border crime.) Notably, Nepal’s army chief briefed both Indian and Chinese counterparts during the crisis, assuring them the situation was under control (as reported in Nepali media), underscoring Nepal’s balancing act even amid domestic upheaval.
Crucially, there is no solid evidence that any foreign power instigated or directed the 2025 protests – the fury was home-grown. The U.S. State Department simply urged all sides to avoid violence, while India and China largely termed it Nepal’s internal matterreuters.comcfr.org. Rumors inevitably swirled in Kathmandu’s political circles (for example, some pro-government voices insinuated “external forces” might be exploiting the chaos), but independent observers agree the Gen Z movement was an organic uprising of Nepali youth rather than a proxy “color revolution.” If anything, the outcome inconvenienced Beijing – the downfall of Oli (seen as pro-China) removed a friendly ally, replacing him with an interim leader focused on clean governancecfr.org. India, on the other hand, may privately have been relieved to see a nationalist rival exit, but it certainly did not openly intervene. In the earlier monarchy protests, there were hints of Indian right-wing sympathy (e.g. Indian Hindu nationalist figures’ images appeared in rallies)en.wikipedia.org, yet the violence in that episode too was domestically driven by royalist groups. In sum, Nepal’s unique geopolitical position and resources formed the backdrop to its turmoil – influencing how cautiously foreign actors responded – but the turmoil itself was rooted in Nepali domestic issues. All three major powers ultimately supported Nepal’s transition in 2025 towards a fresh election and greater accountabilitycfr.org, in line with their interest in a stable Nepal.
Conclusion
Nepal’s turbulent 2025 was a culmination of long-brewing frustrations – a youthful society fed up with corrupt, unresponsive governance – erupting in an unprecedented way. A series of cascading events (a clumsy social media ban, fatal crackdowns, and a snowballing protest movement) led to the ouster of a veteran Prime Minister and the installation of a reformist interim administration. Along the way, Nepalis grappled anew with questions of their political identity: some even reconsidered the monarchy, while others demanded a deeper democracy cleansed of elite abuse. The protests’ causes were multifaceted – social inequity, political malpractice, economic stagnation, digital rights – but intertwined by a common theme of justice and dignity for ordinary people. Although foreign powers kept a respectful distance during the upheaval, Nepal’s strategic significance ensured they watched closely and endorsed the eventual outcome. As Nepal heads into elections in early 2026 under the shadow of these events, the legacy of 2025 looms large. It demonstrated the power of an engaged citizenry (especially the youth) to force change, but it also left scars and pressing questions about how to channel that energy constructively. The coming years will reveal whether the promises born of 2025 – of accountability, inclusion, and a new social contract – will take hold, or whether old patterns will reassert themselves. For now, Nepal’s Gen Z protests stand as a watershed moment, one that shook the nation’s old order and opened possibilities for a more responsive and equitable political futuretheguardian.comtheguardian.com.
Sources: Recent news reports and analyses from Reuters, BBC, The Guardian, Al Jazeera, The Kathmandu Post, The Atlantic, and others have been used to compile this comprehensive overviewreuters.comtheguardian.comtheguardian.comndtv.comglobalvoices.org.